《三國志》卷二十二陳群傳,是一串官職與遷轉。中間夾著一句:「及即王位,封羣昌武亭侯,徙爲尚書。制九品官人之法,羣所建也。」——曹丕即魏王位,封陳群昌武亭侯,遷尚書;九品官人之法,是陳群所立。傳裡不寫品有幾等、誰去定品、人怎樣進某一品;「中正」二字,整頁一次也沒出現。

一、履歷裡的一行

這一句放回原處,像履歷裡的一行:前有封侯、遷尚書,後有曹丕稱帝之後又一串升遷。年份這一頁不給。《通典》給了年份與動機:「延康元年,吏部尚書陳群以天朝選用不盡人才,乃立『九品官人之法』」;同段之前還鋪一個局面:「魏文帝為魏王時,三方鼎立,士流播遷,四人錯雜,詳覈無所。」延康元年,一般認為即公元 220 年;本頁只給年號。

魏這一邊的制度記錄就到這裡;唐人也這麼說。按語收尾一句:「討其根本,陳壽魏志言之太略,故詳辯之也。」——追到根上,陳壽《魏志》寫得太簡,所以要詳辨。也就是說,《通典》那些細節不是挖出來的曹魏條令,而是幾百年後唐人用這一頁沒寫出的材料搭的;用它就得帶著這個標籤。九等各叫什麼,三頁都沒有;按語也只說「定為九等」。

二、唐人補出來的四句話

《通典》寫這套辦法,短得不成比例:「州郡皆置中正,以定其選,擇州郡之賢有識鑒者為之,區別人物,第其高下。」——每州每郡都置中正,由本州本郡「賢有識鑒」的人來做,把人物區別開,排出高低。緊接著又一條:「郡口十萬以上,歲察一人,其有秀異,不拘戶口。」四句說完誰坐、怎麼挑、做什麼;數字只有人口與人數。

按語補的才是條文的樣子:州、郡、縣都置大小中正,各取本地人;品「定為九等」;而且能升能降——「或以五升四,以六升五」「或自五退六,自六退七」。同一條按語又下斷語:中正「唯能知其閥閱,非復辨其賢愚」——只知門第,不再辨賢愚;這是唐人編者的評語,不是曹魏文書。它還說:晉時州有大中正,郡國有小中正,都掌選舉;吏部要用一個人,「必下中正,徵其人居及父祖官名」——先問此人住哪裡、父祖做過什麼官。

三、三難與八損

罵它的人,不是它的受害者。劉毅,字仲雄,東萊掖人;做郡功曹時「沙汰郡吏百餘人」,要彈河南尹而司隸不許,他把符信一投就走了。入晉,官至尚書左僕射。《晉書》給這道疏的開頭是史家一句概括:「毅以魏立九品,權時之制,未見得人,而有八損,乃上疏曰」——九品是魏的權時之制,未得人才,而有八損。這是史書的敘述,不是疏裡的原話。

疏從認識上的難處起頭,不從貪腐起頭:「官才有三難,而興替之所由也。人物難知,一也;愛憎難防,二也;情偽難明,三也。」——人才難知、愛憎難防、情偽難明。講完這三難,才落到中正身上:「今立中正,定九品,高下任意,榮辱在手。操人主之威福,奪天朝之權勢。」

正文是編號的帳,從「損政之道一也」到「八也」。頭一條是黨利:「不精才實,務依黨利」,於是「高下逐強弱,是非由愛憎」,才有了那句傳下來的話:「是以上品無寒門,下品無勢族。」《通典》引同一個人,字句與次序都不同:「下品無高門,上品無寒士。」兩書並列,不替它們調和。其餘幾條是程序上的:無賞罰之防、無鄉老考績、「品狀相妨」。總帳是兩句對仗:「雖職名中正,實為奸府;事名九品,而有八損。」請求很直白:「宜罷中正,除九品,棄魏氏之弊法,立一代之美制。」

四、優詔答之,帝竟不施行

回覆只有四個字:「疏奏,優詔答之。」——奏疏遞上去,皇帝用一道好話詔書答了。同意的還有人:「後司空衛瓘等亦共表宜省九品,復古鄉議里選。」結局一行:「帝竟不施行。」兩頁都沒說這道疏改動了哪一品、哪一官、哪條規矩;疏與詔書各在哪一年,也不記。

五、罵的人,後來坐進了那把椅子

兩頁給了另一種下文。《晉書》記他七十歲告老、以光祿大夫歸第之後,司徒舉他為青州大中正;尚書認為懸車致仕的人不該再勞以碎務;陳留相孫尹上表力爭。結果是:「於是青州自二品已上憑毅取正。」再一句:「由是毅遂為州都,銓正人流,清濁區別,其所彈貶,自親貴者始。」

兩頁、三種文本:一篇傳給制度一個創立者和一句話;一部唐人政書給程序,也給評斷;一道疏給罪狀,並且點了名。十一個字立起來的東西,八條罪狀罵它,回答是一道好話詔書。九等叫什麼、中正由誰任命、任期多長、品與官怎樣掛鉤,三頁都沒有;連那句名言怎麼排,兩書也不一致。留下的是:罵「奸府」的人後來坐進那把椅子,彈貶「自親貴者始」。這是轉變、是妥協,還是這椅子本來就這樣用,兩頁都不解釋。

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參考來源與延伸閱讀

  1. 《三国志》卷二十二·魏书·陈群传(晋陈寿撰;维基文库本,未与中华书局点校本复核) — The only notice of the institution in the Wei record: after Cao Pi took the king's seat, enfeoffed Chen Qun as marquis of Changwu ting and moved him to director of the secretariat, 'the law of nine grades for appointing men was made — Qun established it'. The page gives no grades, no procedure, and never uses the word zhongzheng (rectifier).
  2. 《通典》卷十四·选举二·历代制中(唐杜佑撰;维基文库录文,页面自标 textquality 25%,未与点校本复核) — A Tang compendium's account: in the first year of Yankang Chen Qun, minister of personnel, finding the court's selection did not exhaust talent, established the nine-grade method; every province and commandery set up a rectifier, chosen from the worthy and discerning, to distinguish men and rank them high or low; a commandery of 100,000 mouths recommended one man a year, outstanding talent not limited by population. The compiler's own note adds rectifiers at three levels, a rank fixed at nine grades, promotions and demotions between grades, the verdict that they knew only family standing, and the Jin rule that the ministry of personnel must ask the rectifier for a man's residence and his father's and grandfather's offices; it also says Chen Shou's Wei zhi was 'too brief', which is why he argues the matter in detail.
  3. 《晋书》卷四十五·刘毅传(唐房玄龄等撰;维基文库本,未与中华书局点校本复核) — Liu Yi's memorial against the nine grades: official talent has three difficulties — men hard to know, likes and dislikes hard to guard against, true and false hard to distinguish; eight numbered harms, among them 'the upper grades contain no poor households, the lower grades no powerful clans', 'the office is named rectifier but is in fact a house of villains'; he asks that both be abolished. 'The memorial was submitted; a fine edict answered it… the emperor in the end did not put it into practice.' Later the minister of works nominates Liu Yi as grand rectifier of Qingzhou, and he becomes the provincial arbiter, his impeachments beginning with the relatives of the great.